Why It Is the Persian Gulf: Pan-Arabism Created Arabian Gulf

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Why It Is the Persian Gulf: How Pan-Arabism Created Arabian Gulf overnight and Marginalized the Histories of Assyrians, Kurds, Yazidis, Armenians, and Turks Few geographical names in the Middle East have become as politically contested as the name of the body of water between Iran and the Arabian Peninsula. Today, the term “Arabian Gulf” is widely promoted by Arab governments and political movements, while “Persian Gulf” remains the historically established name documented in ancient geographical sources and used extensively in…

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Why It Is the Persian Gulf: How Pan-Arabism Created Arabian Gulf overnight and Marginalized the Histories of Assyrians, Kurds, Yazidis, Armenians, and Turks Few geographical names in the Middle East have become as politically contested as the name of the body of water between Iran and the Arabian Peninsula. Today, the term “Arabian Gulf” is widely promoted by Arab governments and political movements, while “Persian Gulf” remains the historically established name documented in ancient geographical sources and used extensively in modern scholarship. The dispute is not simply about geography. It is also connected to the rise of Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism during the twentieth century, and to broader struggles over how the history of the Middle East should be remembered. The historical record tells a much older story. The Name Persian Gulf Predates Modern Nationalism The historical use of the name Persian Gulf goes back to antiquity. Modern Iran did not exist in its present form when the name was already being used. Neither did Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, or the other modern Gulf states. Daniel T. Potts, a leading scholar of the ancient Gulf, documents the terminology used by classical geographical writers. Greek sources used the expression “Persikos kolpos,” meaning “Persian Gulf,” for the waterway. This is significant because it places the name centuries before modern nationalism. Source: Daniel T. Potts, “Persian Gulf i. In Antiquity,” Encyclopaedia Iranica https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/persian-gulf/i-in-antiquity/ C. Edmund Bosworth similarly examined the historical nomenclature of the Gulf and documented the long historical use of Persian Gulf terminology across different periods. Source: C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Nomenclature of the Persian Gulf,” Iranian Studies https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/iranian-studies/article/abs/nomenclature-of-the-persian-gulf/1048B286741DD0A8375F25D343C103A3 A name that appears in geographical traditions from antiquity cannot accurately be described as a twentieth-century invention. Persian Gulf Does Not Mean the Gulf Belonged Only to Persians Calling the waterway the Persian Gulf does not mean claiming that the Gulf was historically populated only by Persians. It was not. The Gulf has always been a crossroads between civilizations. Mesopotamia, Persia, Bahrain, Oman and eastern Arabia were connected through trade, migration, warfare and cultural exchange. Arab communities have an ancient history along the southern shores of the Gulf. Persian civilization had an extensive relationship with the northern and eastern Gulf. Mesopotamian civilizations also maintained connections across the waterway. The name of a geographical feature and the ethnic identity of every population living around it are two different things. Calling it the Persian Gulf does not deny Arab history. It recognizes the historical terminology used for the waterway. The Rise of Pan-Arabism The modern political controversy developed much later. During the twentieth century, Arab nationalism became one of the most influential political movements in the Middle East. After the Second World War, Pan-Arabism became particularly powerful. Pan-Arabism promoted the idea that Arabs formed one broader nation connected by language, culture and historical identity. The movement became strongly associated with leaders such as Gamal Abdel Nasser and influenced political movements across the Arab world. This ideology was not simply about cultural pride. It also sought to create a broader Arab political identity. As Pan-Arabism became more influential, questions of geography, identity and historical ownership increasingly became connected to Arab nationalism. This was the political environment in which the modern promotion of the term “Arabian Gulf” gained importance. The Arabian Gulf as a Pan-Arabist Political Designation The term “Arabian Gulf” should be understood within the context of modern political nationalism. Different variations of the expression have appeared historically, so it would be inaccurate to claim that the words themselves were suddenly invented on one particular day. The important point is different. The modern political promotion of “Arabian Gulf” became increasingly associated with Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabist political identity during the twentieth century. Chelsi Mueller's academic study of the development of modern political relationships in the Gulf examines the emergence of nationalism, sovereignty and political competition in the region. Source: Chelsi Mueller, The Origins of the Arab-Iranian Conflict: Nationalism and Sovereignty in the Gulf between the World Wars, Cambridge University Press https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/origins-of-the-arabiranian-conflict/ The historical distinction is therefore important. Persian Gulf has a documented history reaching back to antiquity. Arabian Gulf became politically prominent much later, during the era of modern Arab nationalism. Pan-Arabism and the Problem of Historical Homogenization Pan-Arabism attempted to unite Arab populations around a common identity. But the Middle East was never historically composed exclusively of Arabs. The region has been home to many peoples and civilizations, including Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Kurds, Armenians, Yazidis, Jews, Turks and others. This diversity existed long before modern nationalism. The problem arises when a modern nationalist identity is projected backward and presented as though it represents the entire history of the region. A civilization does not cease to exist because another language becomes dominant. The spread of Arabic throughout the Middle East was one of the most important transformations in the region's history. But Arabicization did not erase the existence of the civilizations that preceded it. Assyrian history did not become nonexistent because Arabic later became dominant in Mesopotamia. Persian history did not disappear because Arabic spread throughout the Islamic world. Armenian history did not become Arab history. Kurdish history did not become Arab history. Yazidi history did not become Arab history. Historical continuity cannot simply be rewritten according to the identity of a later political majority. The Assyrian Experience The Assyrian experience provides an important example. Assyrians have a documented historical connection to Mesopotamia extending from antiquity through the medieval and modern periods. The formation of modern Iraq placed Assyrians inside a state where competing concepts of Iraqi nationalism and Arab nationalism became increasingly important. Alda Benjamen's academic work, Assyrians in Modern Iraq, examines the political and cultural challenges faced by Assyrians as they attempted to preserve their identity within modern Iraq. Source: Alda Benjamen, Assyrians in Modern Iraq: Negotiating Political and Cultural Space, Cambridge University Press https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/assyrians-in-modern-iraq/ The Assyrian experience demonstrates why historical representation matters. When the history of a country is presented primarily through the identity of its politically dominant population, older indigenous identities can become marginalized. Ancient Mesopotamia can then be presented almost entirely through later Arab history, while the civilizations and communities that existed before Arabization receive less recognition. That does not make Arab history illegitimate. It means Arab history should be presented as one important layer of a much longer history. The Kurdish Experience The Kurdish experience provides another example of the tension between nationalism and historical diversity. Kurdish populations have historically lived across areas that later became part of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. The emergence of modern nation-states divided these populations among different political systems. Janet Klein's academic work examines the Kurdish experience and the broader minority question in the modern Middle East. Source: Janet Klein, “The Minority Question: A View from History and the Kurdish Periphery,” Oxford University Press https://academic.oup.com/book/1649/chapter-abstract/141182218 The Kurdish case demonstrates how modern nationalism can create a distinction between a dominant national identity and communities that are treated as minorities within that state. The same broader problem affected other non-Arab communities. Assyrians, Kurds, Yazidis, Armenians, and Turks The Middle East is home to numerous communities whose histories do not fit neatly into a single Arab national narrative. Assyrians have an ancient Mesopotamian history. Kurds have their own historical and cultural traditions. Yazidis have a distinct religious and cultural history rooted in northern Mesopotamia. Armenians have one of the world's oldest continuous Christian civilizations. Turks have their own long history in Anatolia and the wider Middle East. Recognizing these histories does not diminish Arab history. It makes Middle Eastern history more complete. The problem with extreme nationalism is not that people have pride in their own history. The problem occurs when one national narrative attempts to absorb the histories of other peoples or portray them as secondary, foreign, or historically insignificant. Arabization Should Not Be Used to Erase Indigenous History Arabization was a complex historical process that occurred over many centuries. Populations throughout the Middle East adopted Arabic language and, in many cases, Arab cultural and political identities. But the adoption of Arabic does not erase earlier civilizations. Mesopotamia did not begin with the Arab conquest. Its history includes Sumerian, Akkadian, Assyrian and Babylonian civilizations, followed by Persian, Hellenistic, Roman, Parthian, Sasanian, Islamic and Ottoman periods, among others. Each period became part of the region's history. Later civilizations did not erase the existence of earlier ones. This is why describing all of Mesopotamian history simply as “Arab history” is historically inadequate. Arab history is an essential part of Mesopotamian history. It is not the beginning of Mesopotamian history. What About the Name Gulf of Basra? Another expression sometimes encountered is “Gulf of Basra.” Basra was an extremely important city in Islamic history and became a major center of scholarship, commerce and politics. However, the existence of alternative geographical terminology does not eliminate the historical record of Persian Gulf. Bosworth's research demonstrates that geographical terminology could vary across different periods and languages. Source: C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Nomenclature of the Persian Gulf,” Iranian Studies https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/iranian-studies/article/abs/nomenclature-of-the-persian-gulf/1048B286741DD0A8375F25D343C103A3 The question is therefore not whether other names have ever appeared. They have. The question is which name has the strongest historical continuity for the entire body of water. The historical evidence for Persian Gulf is extensive. Is the Modern Name About Politics? For many people today, the terminology is political. The name “Arabian Gulf” is often associated with Arab national identity and political solidarity. The name “Persian Gulf” is associated with the historical terminology documented in ancient and medieval geographical traditions. The disagreement therefore reflects two different approaches. One emphasizes modern national identity. The other emphasizes historical continuity. A modern political identity should not automatically be projected backward into antiquity. If a geographical name has been documented for centuries before the emergence of modern nationalism, replacing it for modern political reasons does not change the historical record. The Broader Issue: Who Gets to Define Middle Eastern History? The Gulf dispute represents a much larger question. Who gets to define the history of the Middle East? For much of the twentieth century, national governments built official histories designed to create unified national identities. This was not unique to Arab countries. Nationalism throughout the world has often simplified complicated histories. But in the Middle East, the consequences could be especially significant because modern states contain populations with histories that predate the states themselves. Assyrians, Kurds, Armenians, Yazidis, Turks, Persians and Arabs all have histories that cross modern political boundaries. No single modern national narrative can fully explain the region. History Should Not Be Rewritten by Nationalism The historical argument for Persian Gulf does not require hostility toward Arabs or Arab culture. It does not deny that Arab communities have lived around the Gulf for centuries. It does not deny the enormous contribution of Arab civilization to the history of the Middle East. It simply recognizes that the modern political designation “Arabian Gulf” should not be presented as though it were the original historical name of the waterway. The evidence indicates otherwise. Persian Gulf has a documented history reaching back to antiquity. The modern political prominence of Arabian Gulf developed within the era of modern Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism. These are different historical realities. Conclusion The Persian Gulf is not a modern invention. The name has roots in ancient geographical traditions and continued to be used across subsequent historical periods. The modern promotion of “Arabian Gulf” belongs to the age of twentieth-century Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism. That political development should be studied as part of modern Middle Eastern history, rather than projected backward and treated as though it represents the ancient history of the Gulf. The same principle should apply to the rest of the Middle East. Assyrian history should not become Arab history simply because Arabic later became dominant. Kurdish history should not disappear because Kurds became minorities within modern states. Yazidi history should not be reduced to someone else's national narrative. Armenian history should not be absorbed into another people's history. Turkish history should not be erased because modern political borders changed. And the ancient histories of Mesopotamia and Persia should not be rewritten according to twentieth-century nationalism. The Middle East is older and more diverse than the political movements of the modern era. Its history belongs to all of the peoples and civilizations that shaped it. And when the historical name of the waterway is examined through the academic record, the evidence points to the name with the deepest documented historical continuity: The Persian Gulf. ACADEMIC SOURCES C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Nomenclature of the Persian Gulf,” Iranian Studies 30, nos. 1–2 (1997). https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/iranian-studies/article/abs/nomenclature-of-the-persian-gulf/1048B286741DD0A8375F25D343C103A3 Daniel T. Potts, “Persian Gulf i. In Antiquity,” Encyclopaedia Iranica. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/persian-gulf/i-in-antiquity/ Chelsi Mueller, The Origins of the Arab-Iranian Conflict: Nationalism and Sovereignty in the Gulf between the World Wars, Cambridge University Press. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/origins-of-the-arabiranian-conflict/ Alda Benjamen, Assyrians in Modern Iraq: Negotiating Political and Cultural Space, Cambridge University Press. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/assyrians-in-modern-iraq/ Janet Klein, “The Minority Question: A View from History and the Kurdish Periphery,” Oxford University Press. https://academic.oup.com/book/1649/chapter-abstract/141182218

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